A Vacation to Dubai Essay

It was June 2, 2015 and Mrs. Smith was planning her trip to Dubai. She was so excited because she has never been there to that side of the world before. But she also has to get work because it is also a business trip as well. The next day she gets to the airport and checks out all of her belongings and is waiting for the plane to depart. They call first class and she is the first one in line. She is seated and is anxious because she can’t wait to see what amazing things they have. She sees these strange men walk by her but pay no mind to her staring. She forgets about them and puts her ear buds in and begins fall asleep. A couple hours pass and she wakes up and sees that there aren’t many people on the plane as she seen before the plane departed. There is only about roughly about seventeen of the on there and she searches around for the strange men but there are nowhere to be found. She gets up to ask the pilots if they know what happened because she dozed and the moment she went to open the door there was a man there with a gun and demanded her to go back to her seat and Mrs. Smith refused. The plane landed and everyone was forced off and taken to a shack. They were locked in there for a couple of hours but then they noticed that there was a back door to the shack and tried to sneak away. They were so close but the hijackers knew there plan all along. The tried a different way and finally the succeeded and all of the got back to the United States safely.

Dbq- Scientific Revolution

DBQ – The Scientific Revolution The Scientific Revolution of the sixteen and seventeenth century were affected greatly from the contributions of the opposing voice and ideas of the Church and their disagreement with the uprising of scientific studies. Despite the rejection from the Church, the Scientific Revolution was heavily influenced by those in society who felt differently, and believed the benefits the Scientific Revolution would bring. This view however, was unequally agreed in when it came to the view of it politically.Still during the sixteenth and seventeenth century, religious and the Church played a great role in the ways of people. Till the time of the Scientific Revolution, many things were not questioned, but once scientists began to question the traditional beliefs, many people of the church were outraged and spoke openly against it. Even people like Copernicus, who was the great contributor to the heliocentric idea, denied himself and submitted to the church e ven dedicating a part of his book to Pope III which showed his fear and actions in pleasing the pope to avoid condemnation. doc. 1) His situation greatly exemplified how the Scientific Revolution although was growing but many times stunted because of fear from the disapproval from the Church. Italian monk Giovanni Ciampoli also expressed his disapproval in a letter to Galileo stating with much urgency that the nature of the world should just be left alone for the Scripture to explain it and that man should not go about their ways to reason why. (doc. 3) Similar to Copernicus, Walter Charleton a English doctor and natural philosopher who studied the balance of science and religious.He makes it clear that science is only possible with religion. Although he does not completely push the idea of scientific studies, he does believe it is only possible with the power of God. (doc. 8) The conclusion as you interpret out of Charleton is that no matter what man upholds through science or idea s are not sufficient enough to differ or oppose what God determines it to be. The views of secular people and society also bought about significant influence upon the Scientific Revolution, but just on the other side of the scale.Francis Bacon, a English philosopher of science made it evident in his advocacy of science. In fact, in the document, he expresses his eagerness of the goal people need to bring achievement in human society. (doc. 4) The document shows that despite the lack of support from the church was given, many people chose to stray away tradition and venture out into new ideas. Another document that poses the same suggestion as Bacon as to improving the community of scientific studies was that of Henry Oldenbury, Secretary of the English Royal Society in his letter to Johannes Hevelius.Oldenbury emphasizes the need in cooperation, and that scientists shouldn’t just focus on one’s study, put into consideration with the studies of others to develop the edu cation of science. (doc. 6) Oldenbury in saying â€Å"friendship among learned men is a great aid to the investigation and elucidation of the truth† only shows him hinting that a society of scientist should be raised. Both Bacon and Oldenbury were men during the seventeenth century who viewed science as a way to improve and enhance society, but others had a different view.Margaret Cavendish’s Observations on Experimental, shows her demand in questioning why women were not allowed to be a part of the revolution and contribute as men could, and her willingness in building upon the study of natural philosophy of women if she were allowed. (doc. 9) Her partake show’s that the influences of the Scientific Revolution did not solely come from different men of different social communities, but it had even spread to the other gender, which shows involvement. Political figures serve as a voice and power of the people in their society. In this case, politics took a great p art in the uprise of the Scientific Revolution.Document 5 is a letter from French monk Marin Mersenne to his noble patron in which he asks for the approval of his patron on his statements based on his experiments. His letter expresses a sense of meekness and humbleness Mersenne has for his patrons. He feels pressure in doing things correctly for his patrons, and is hindered from sharing what he has experimented on without winning the approval from his patrons. The power of political figures still remained throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth century, which from this document, shows how some studies were hindered because of the political authority.Political influences on scientific studies included personal beliefs on how scientific research should be controlled and suppressed. Thomas Hobbes, an English philosopher believed that any scientific findings that would interfere with the authority of rulers should be rid of. (doc. 7) Hobbes, a strong believer in an absolute monarch emp hasized the power of rulers to overpower the research of scientists. Unlike other documents, the depiction of the drawing that commemorated Louis XIV’s visit to the French Royal Academy, although not a very reliable source still portrayed how Louis XIV’s support in the scientific studies.Since a ruler takes up such a huge part in a country, the people of the country, in this case France, would naturally follow in the steps of their ruler. Louis XIV from this painting would’ve initiated a message that showed The work of scientists were affected by religious, social, and political ideas and influences in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. All these affected in ways that encouraged the study of science, while others felt that all scientific research should be stopped and suppressed.

Lester B Pearson and the Suez Canal

Canada had many Prime Ministers, some very good and some not so good. Among these members of parliament, there was Lester Bowles Pearson. A Torontonian man who had made many important decisions in the Suez Canal Crisis. Lester B Pearson prevented another world war from occurring with the decisions he made during the Suez Canal Crisis. Pearson prevented the war from occurring by his overall personality, his achievements before the Suez Crisis, and him forming the United Nation Peacekeeping Force. His overall personality helped him mentally prepare for and keep him calm during the Suez Canal Crisis. Pearson had a deep personal reserve that people found difficult to penetrate (Bothwell). It would be hard to persuade him into doing something that he didn’t want to do, in this case anything that might cause a war. Pearson was the most gregarious of men, quick to lighten serious moments with self-deprecating humor and breaking frequently into an irresistible smile (Granatsien and Hillmer). When the Suez Crisis preparation got out of control, all Pearson did was tell a joke or even smile to change the moods of everyone. â€Å"Politics is the skill use of a blunt object. † In his quote Pearson says, to be a politician it takes skill. Pearson’s personality and skill helped him stay calm and relaxed upon making decisions during the Suez Canal Crisis, which in turn helped him think up of the United Nations Emergency Force. Pearson’s achievements before the Suez crisis helped him make decisions toward the Suez Crisis. He helped in stopping the Korean War (Bothwell). Pearson’s dislike of war is shown in the quote, â€Å"the grim fact is that we prepare for war like precautious giants, and for peace like retarded pygmies. † He served on a United Nation commission that helped draw up the plan to cease fire in the Korean War. This gave him experience in handling orld issues. Before he dealt with the UN organization he was involved with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO (Granatstien and Hillmer). Fearful of the soviet but still skeptical of the American, Pearson contributed patience, tolerance, flexibility, and a sense of preparation to the formation of the NATO (Granatstien and Hill mer). Pearson joined the army in 1915 and served in WWI (Waite. ) He says, â€Å"As a soldier, I survived World War I when most of my comrades did not. † Serving as a soldier taught him how horrible war is, and how if the Suez Canal Crisis turned into a war, man lives would be lost. All of these little problems helped Pearson prepare for the Suez Crisis. Lester B Pearson created the UNEF in 1956, which prevented another world war from occurring. When the Suez Crisis erupted Pearson knew something was going to happen. He immediately started to propose the idea of the UN Peacekeeping Force, UNEF (Antony). When he was going through all the preparation to make this force he says, â€Å"As for promotion of peace congresses we have had out meetings and assemblies, but the promotion through them of the determined and effective will to peace displaying itself in action and policy remains to be achieved. He wanted to convert British and French invading soldiers into peacekeepers at first but then decided to make the UNEF out of the volunteered Canadians. When the Suez Crisis was being debated in the Security Council, Pearson couldn’t do anything because Canada lacked a permanent seat (Antony). Since Canada lacked a seat in the debate, Pearson couldn’t add his input to the situation. He worked closely with all his parties across all division and put together a coalition of support over sleepless days and nights (Antony). In the early hours of November 4th, 1956 the General Assembly overwhelming, supports Pearson’s proposal for the world’s first peacekeeping force. Bowing to the international pressure and the arrival of UNEF, British and French forces complete their withdrawal from Egypt by the end of 1956. Pearson is praised at the UN for his brilliant his brilliant efforts but he is condemned by some at home for betraying the motherland. Even though he was condemned and he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in October 1957. His overall personality and skill, his achievements before the Suez Canal Crisis, and the creation of the United Nation Peacekeeping Force were only three of many reasons that helped Lester B Pearson prevent another world war from occurring during the Suez Canal Crisis. The world today would have been different if the Suez Crisis had started a world war, if what happened in World War II where the atomic bombs were dropped in Japan was to of happened because of the Suez Canal Crisis there would be many different effects on the life that is being lived today.

Exploring Your Intellectual Property Policies Essay

Exploring Your Intellectual Property Policies - Essay Example It is, thus, in this age of office automation and the electronic exchange of information, that company policies are geared, among other things, towards abidance by copyright laws, intellectual property rights and data ownership and privacy laws. Copyright and intellectual property laws are, whether on the global or the national levels, uncompromisingly strict. As may be inferred from Canis' (2003) discussion, this body of law identifies intellectual property, inclusive amongst which are non tangible objects such as product designs, as goods which are owned by their inventor(s)/designer. As with all goods, they are protected against theft and subsequent unlicensed exploitation. Software proprietary laws directly stem from copyright and intellectual property laws. As Moniot (2003) explains, the intent of this body of law is the protection of software against unauthorized use, on the one hand, and the establishment of regulations prohibiting software piracy, implying unlicensed use and copying for the purpose of distribution, on the other. It is, in other words, a body of law which determines the protection of the software owner's right to the commercial exploitation of his/her property. Consequent to the proliferation of information through electronic media of communication, both copyright and software licensing laws are constantly violated. The software industry has been, since the mid 1990s to the present, confronting billions of dollars worth of lost sales as a direct outcome of software piracy (Paradise, 1999; Wheelan, 2003). The Internet has not only facilitated access to pirated working copies of protected, copyrighted and licensed software but, has given people the world over the opportunity to download software which could have otherwise cost hundreds possibly thousands, of dollars, the chance to access and install at the touch of a button (Paradise, 1999; Wheelan, 2003). In acknowledgement of the economic/financial consequences of the aforementioned to the industry, stringent software copyright and anti-piracy laws have been implemented on both national and international levels, in an effort to offset and stem this development. Most companies, including the one at which I am employed, have very clear guidelines and policies regarding software piracy and copyright laws. In reference to my place of employment, company policies strictly prohibit employees from downloading peer to peer programs on company computers, or using the corporation's internet connection to download such programs and subsequently use them for the violation of copyright and anti-software piracy laws. Employees who are caught violating this prohibition may face disciplinary action ranging from a warning to dismissal. Both the company's IT and legal departments' directors explained that the above stated corporate policy is not simply an expression of compliance with existent national and international laws but, more so, was instituted for the protection of the company itself. As I had been informed, six years ago, prior to the implementation of the said policy, a significant percentage of employees had peer to peer programs installed on their company computers and, even as they were working, had these programs running in the background, downloading an entire range of copyrighted material, from programs to movies. The cost to the company was extremely high because many of the downloaded files were

Organisational Structure and Change ( MANAGEMENT Subject ) Essay

Organisational Structure and Change ( MANAGEMENT Subject ) - Essay Example It is logical to think about the relevance of the Toyota way into industries outside the manufacturing sphere as well – Services organizations like Banks and Software companies have tried and assimilated the ‘factory’ model of Toyota as well as the ‘Lean’ manufacturing principles. What follows here, is a critical analysis of the pro’s and con’s of adopting the Toyota operative model into the service industry, particularly banks. The Toyota experience spells a success story and a story of survival with sheer grit, persistence and tenacity amidst periods of fluctuating fortunes across the decades. Likewise, fabled banks have their own stories of how they have (and have not) survived to this day. If one were to explore the validity of Toyota’s fundamental principles and their applicability to the Banking industry, the following aspects seem pertinent: a) Governance and Ethics are the pillars of Toyota – needless to assert, these have been the sustainers and destroyers of Banks today, especially in the context of the economic turmoil of the past few months. Banks that were seemingly invincible just a year ago have bitten the dust and sunk without a trace. Hence, Toyota, in stark contrast, demonstrates what strong governance and ethics can do for a company’s survival. b) Back from the brink and flourishing thereafter – Toyota almost collapsed during the Korean War and was saved only because of an order of trucks that came from the US army in 1950 – Toyota has ‘never’ forgotten this bitter lesson and the company thrives to this day on what it proudly calls the value system of ‘presumptions of imperfection’ – others would term it as healthy paranoia.. In direct contrast, Banks have in recent times turned adventurous, invested recklessly, served bad credits, and quite simply, collapsed – Bringing in

Equity and Trusts Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Equity and Trusts - Essay Example The formal declaration is not subject to any alteration and therefore settles any dispute that would possibly arise from the process of sharing the property. A will is a binding document that is always not subject to any form of alteration. Alan Jones leaves behind a will elaborating how he would wish to share his wealth. The terms of the will just as is the situation with any other are legal terms and therefore require effective analysis and interpretation. Everyone referred to in the will must receive the resources allocated to them and utilize the resources as directed by the deceased. This implies that the lawyer does not only oversee the interpretation of the will by making the terms understandable to the parties but also ensures that the specific parties carry out the mandate bestowed upon them by the author of the will (Ross, 2004). In his will, Alan Jones begins by allocating his former wife, Lucinda an amount of money worth five hundred pounds. In the directive, Alan says th at he hopes the woman puts the money in a trust to help the Ilchester animals sanctuary so that the money helps the sick animals in the sanctuary (Garth, 1998). The terms of the will in relation to the former wife are liberal. Alan gives the woman the amount and in so doing, he bestows on her the mandate to invest the money as she wishes. He later advises that the woman invests the money in a trust, the tone of the directive is an advice and so, the woman has no prerogative to comply with it. He says that he wishes she invested the money in trust to help sick animals in the sanctuary. Despite this, the woman has the right to invest the money as she so wishes only that it would make him happier if she did invest the money in the trust as he advises (McKendrick, 2012). From the composition of the directive, it is possible Allan knew that his former wife and a passion for conserving the animals. He, therefore, presumes that the receipt of such an amount would help her realize her dream of reaching out to the animal orphanage. This information compels Alan to advise her to do so with the money. Possibly, the woman may decide to invest the money in the trust as he advises but the terms of the will does not bind the stakeholders to use the money in the assistance of sick animals since this again is another random advice such he believes that the sanctuary protects only sick animals (Amsterdam & Bruner, 2002). The sanctuary after receiving the money has the authority to invest it in a manner they deem necessary since the terms of the will do not influence their budgetary allocation and internal operations. In the second sentence, he gives his two houses to his brothers Kip and Tim. He makes it clear on the location of the houses by naming thereby making it clear that the two houses include the one on number 12 High Fullchetser while the other in 42 High Ilchester. By naming the location of the houses, Alan makes the will clear and does not, therefore, create confusio n with any other interested parties on the two houses. On the same sentence, he says that Kip to have the first choice, a depiction of presence in which he apportions his brother Kip the chance to choose either of the house before his other brother Tim. Kip, therefore, makes the first choice on which house to retain after which Tim retains the other.     Ã‚  

Comparative Analysis of Case Studies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Comparative Analysis of Case Studies - Essay Example Enterprise Resource Planning System can be termed as a business software system that assists an organization in running efficiently its resources. Resources in this case can be the finance, the human resource, the materials, or anything that can be managed in that specific organization. The ERP assists the organization in that it provides a complicated solution to the company’s information processing systems wants. The work of the ERP is so easy. Firstly, by allowing the management of the data, which at times is usually integrated in the whole organization. This therefore means that it acts as a transaction processing system. Additionally, it also acts as a workflow management system in that it helps in the management of the many flows that occurs within the organization. In order for information and data to be processed and transacted correctly, the ERP provides a successful of an information technologies system. This is by assisting in the flow of information and any conditi on, which is set. By preventing redundancy of data, entering wrong data, and assisting in the calculation, the ERP assists the company to indulge itself in a competitive world by minimizing the cost incurred. This paper uses the six case studies to assist the managers to achieve the full purpose of the ERP. It analyses the implementation process of the ERP in six companies. The companies include the Rolls-Royce Company, the Dutch construction firms, Pratt and Whitney Canada, Gujrat Heavy Chemicals limited, Texas Instrument and a soft drink bottler. Some of the organizations listed here tried to implement the system and failed while some of them implemented it and succeeded. Implementation phase case study of the Rolls Royce In the implementation phase of the Rolls Royce, this stage proved to be far too large therefore forcing the management to half it into waves. The two waves contained some two things in common. Firstly, it was involved in the implementation of its architecture and its physical. In addition to that, they were both concerned with the modifying the working practices that the organization had. The first wave involved the replacement of the legacy systems in the organization. It should be noted that the SFDM commonly referred to as the shop floor data management was introduced in this phase. The main aim of the first wave was to actually offer new potential for the operations that consisted the gas turbine (Yusuf et al, 2004). The second stage involved the implementation of the human resource, the logistics, the engine assembly, and the spare parts elements. This process occurred one year later. The replacement of the old system with the new system was to occur once the new system responded positively. The Rolls Royce understood that their system was big enough so they gave it quite sometime before the ERP was launched. This proved to be working in their favor. Since the company contains many different steps, the company took its time in understa nding the whole process and gave it its whole energy. However, the management should clearly grasp the implementation of the system. For such an expensive system, the management s

Consumption Today vs. Consumption Tomorrow Essay

Consumption Today vs. Consumption Tomorrow - Essay Example Brie tarts. Tansy cakes with peppermint cream† for William’s training, gear and other expenses to win in the Rouen tournament. In a sense, it is their capital to â€Å"to glory and riches none of us ever dreamed of†. Taking this in a bigger context such as the choices presented to the government with its consumption today and investment tomorrow, it meant striking the balance between addressing theâ€Å"Eel pie. Brie tarts. Tansy cakes with peppermint cream† of today with the â€Å"glory and riches none of us ever dreamed† of tomorrow. In simpler terms, it meant that government has to allocate its resources to satisfy the need of today (i.e. social security, food security, defense, etch) versus the need of tomorrow. Addressing the need of tomorrow meant investing today and this could have in several forms such as education, research and development, resource exploration, supporting start-up companies etch. Thus, the resources of the government must be effectively allocated so that it could address the needs of its people today as well as

Hyatt Hotel chain and its Internal evaluation Term Paper

Hyatt Hotel chain and its Internal evaluation - Term Paper Example The mission is to provide a change in the people’s live by authentic service of hospitality. The company under consideration focuses on their mission with the aim to become the most desirable brand in every segment they are dealing with. It has own franchises in the names of Hyatt branded resorts, residents, hotels and properties around the world. The hotel chain has the 549 portfolios throughout the world. Currently Hyatt has cemented its place across 43 nations. The chain of hotels provides luxurious services to its guests in the major cites of the world. Hyatt is famous for its design and features of providing meeting venues, art program, fitness and spa centers, signature restaurant etc. Hyatt is continuously expanding in different parts of the world through its chain of hotels. Its brands include Grand Hyatt, Andaz, Park Hyatt, Hyatt Ziva, Hyatt Hotels, Hyatt Zilara, Hyatt Regency, and Hyatt Residence Club. Hyatt brands are very prospering. After decades with the brands like Hyatt Regency, Park Hyatt, Grand Hyatt and Hyatt Hotel Corp recently the company added many more hotels in its hotel chain for providing extra ordinary service to its guests. The company is aggressively developing its business with the brand name Hyatt (Chon and Maier, 2009). It is the luxury brand of hotels presented in the major cities, premier leisure travel destinations. The company has positioned this brand featuring sophisticated luxury in a contemporary style for those persons who wants to get service in a filtered environment. This brand provides luxurious accommodation in an elegant style. It provides its guests the experience of specific regional character. This brand is positioned with well designed room for meetings and conferences, guests. Presently there are 33 Park Hyatt Hotels worldwide (Ford, Sturman and Heaton 2011). This chain of hotel is positioned in magnificent public place, lobby, dramatic architecture and multiple entertainment places and dining

Managing Schools Corporate Image - a Case Study in University Essay

Managing Schools Corporate Image - a Case Study in University - Essay Example Just as any other corporations present in the community, pedagogical institutions are not exempted from this common situation in the community. It is necessary for educational institutions to project a good image and identity towards the community since they are considered responsible in shaping the future of every nation. As simple as these two ideas may seem yet in reality, this is one of the most difficult and the most complex challenges that a business may face that concerns management these days. In order to address this challenge, every organization must understand and recognize the importance of corporate image and identity. (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 4) In order to make sure that the company is developing the reputation it seeks from the community, the need for perfectly aligning these two elements - corporate image and corporate identity, is held necessary furthermore considered to be the only way of attaining such expectations. (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 2 & 5) "Identity goes to the heart of how a company creates value in the marketplace and in the financial markets. In a nutshell, that is the very essence of image management". This key element in building the reputation of the organization includes the organization's purpose, its vision, its strategy and its business objectives. " (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 2, 5 & 6) As a whole, corporate identity consists of all its products and services, as well as how its people behave that is projected through the shared values of the organization and its employees. Corporate identity digs deeper as to the process and the ways in which the company creates its own value in the community where it markets its products and services. (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 2, 5 & 6) On the other hand, corporate image has to do something with the people who had availed of the corporation's products and services, their impressions and associations towards the corporation as perceived through their experiences with the company. Generally, these impressions and association that the consumers have developed within themselves can however be controlled by the corporation. Everything that the consumers have to go through is capable of being controlled by the corporation to a greater or lesser degree. This "may include the tone and manner of its employees, its pricing structure, the quality of its customer service, the publicity it receives from the media, its social responsiveness and its activities in the community". (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 7) It is and has been conceptualized largely in terms of the visual aspect it projects to the people. In business management studies, they also suggest that image is determined mostly by the organization and is presented to the employees in both verbal and visual form. (qtd in Moffit & Williams, 1997) Managing effectively the corporate image and identity is considered as the only way of building the desired reputation of the corporation towards its target consumers. (http://www.lippincottmercer.com/insights/a_roberts03.shtml, para 7) Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd) - A Case Study Pedagogical institutions, unlike any other corporations, have a more challenging management strategy

My drama group comprised Essay Example for Free

My drama group comprised Essay My drama group comprised of five people including myself. We set out to create an improvised piece of drama, thematically based on greed, love, betrayal, envy and revenge. During the time spent preparing for our improvisation, we came across many sources that had an immense influence on our piece. In order to appropriately progress with the play, we had to research the key elements within the sources to which were relevant to our context. As it was an improvised production we did not follow a set script but created a basic guideline from which we could refer to and enable us to keep on track. Our research into these sources was definitely apparent in our final performance, which was acted out in front of our drama set. In this essay, I intend to compare our improvised piece of drama with the sources we used in order to point out the similarities and illustrate the inspiration we drew from them. During the course of producing our play, we used the well-known novel and recently filmed The Count of Monte Cristo to draw influence on certain scenes, which clearly showed up in our final production. The plot of the Count of Monte Cristo is also thematically based upon betrayal, love, greed, envy and revenge. As a young sailor, Edmond Dantes, an honest and humble man whose peaceful life and plans to marry his wife Mercedes are ruined when his supposed best friend, Vernand, betrays him in order to get Mercedes for himself. Edmond is unjustly sentenced to an island prison after being framed by Vernand for high treason and is trapped in a nightmare for thirteen years. This key element is clearly apparent in our piece of drama, as Fernando, a rich and successful man soon to wed his Fiancà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½e Victoria, is betrayed by his two deceitful friends who envy his wealth and is cast away by them to a deserted island. Obviously we have shared and incorporated the same basic ideas and themes in order to create an improvised piece of our own. A similar pattern is followed in the theme of revenge. In the Count of Monte Cristo Edmond is aided by an elderly and wise inmate whom he learns from and the two plot to escape from prison but only Edmond succeeds and returns to his mainland execute revenge on those who wronged him, under the title of a mysterious Count of Monte Cristo. We too were able draft the theme of revenge into our play. Fernando is aided by a castaway on the island who helps him survive and teaches him how to fight. Eventually, he escapes back to his homeland alone and executes revenge on his old friends using his new skills. This worked effectively in our production and formed the backbone plot to our final improvisation. Both the periods of the Count of Monte Cristo and our play is set in the mid seventeenth century so more research had to be done to make our characters realistic. Another key source that we researched carefully to progress with our island scene was the film, Cast Away. In this movie, a man is cast away to a deserted island where he is forced to learn how to survive for only one reason, his love for his wife. This inspired our play as the only things which Fernando wants to live for when he is on the island is to see his wife again and to execute revenge on his friends who betrayed him. We used the idea of being abandoned alone from home on an island but we incorporated a companion to our main character, Dartanion, who had been living on the island for more than seven years. Research into his characters speech, movement, body language etc was essential as we could not comprehend how somebody would be like after living alone on an island for seven years and therefore looking into movie of Cast Away was very useful. These two sources were our main areas of influence. However we did look into the classic story Robinson Crusoe where a civilized man meets a savage and teaches him how to be civilised. In the case of our play, a savage man teaches a civilised man to be more savage and the basic survival skills. We made it a point to show the character development of Fernando in terms of acting and the on stage relationship between the two. In conclusion, our play was a joint extract of all these sources combined with our own interpretation and improvisation.

Analyzing Dickinson’s Poetry Essay Example for Free

Analyzing Dickinson’s Poetry Essay To analyze Dickinson’s poetry, this paper will involve the analysis of three of her works, `Safe in their Alabaster Chambers†, â€Å"I Heard a Fly Buzz-when I died†, and â€Å"The Brain-is wider than the Sky†. 1. The poems were written in the first person. Since most of her poems tackled the depressing situation of death, the speaker of the poem can in fact be a dead person. However, it seemed that ED may also be assuming an all-observing, all-seeing speaker like God. In the Brain-is wider than the sky, it even seemed that God was in fact the speaker since â€Å"the weight of God† was compared to the â€Å"brain†.   As for the poem’s audiences, it may be that the literary works were directed towards the ‘living’ – people who are not safe within alabaster chambers and who have not heard the buzzing fly as they lay on their deathbeds. 2. In the â€Å"The Brain – is wider than the sky†, there is really no definite setting, it can be likened to any moment of rationalization. In â€Å"I heard a fly buzz when I died†, the setting was in a deathbed while it was perhaps in the cemetery for the poem â€Å"Safe in the alabaster chambers†. The situation was related to dying. It may be that the speaker is already dead, or nearing his death. Nonetheless, the action in the poems remains the same – surrendering to the abyss. 3. Most of the poems had their verbs in the present tense, and in the indicative mood. The style may be to emphasize that the speaker is actually experiencing whatever situation is being imparted in the poems. Such style makes the poems more contemporary and typical, and thus engaging to read and easier to relate to despite the fact that they were written centuries ago. The syntax may also indicate that the poems will be eternal since the action involved is always presented as a current situation. 4. In her poems, Dickinson uses two formal patterns alternatively- tetrameter and trimeter. In every stanza, the first and third lines always have four stresses while there are only three stresses in the second and fourth lines. The rhyme schemes come in the ABCB form. 5. Dickinson uses the slant rhyme in the second and fourth lines of the first two or three stanzas to provide a sense of association and form. In the last stanza however, she then uses a true rhyme also in the last words of the second and fourth stanzas to emphasize conclusions to the proposed action. 6. In â€Å"The Brain is deeper than the sky†, the phrases â€Å"The brain is† and â€Å"The one the other will† were repeated thrice and twice, respectively, to give both indicative and comparative effects. The repetition emphasizes the subject of the poem â€Å"the brain† and stresses its association with other elements – the sea, the sky, and the weight of God. 7. To extensively describe the subjects of her poems, Dickinson The poem contained metaphors and personifications to describe her chosen subjects. In one poem, she likened a fly to death perhaps to stress out the repugnance of not being able to experience the simple joys of living. It is also important to note that she always compared the poem’s settings to universally recognizable elements of nature. For example, she likened the stillness of being dead to â€Å"heaves of storm†. 8. The effectiveness of Dickinson’s poems in relaying thematic obsessions may rely on the fact that she uses a mixture of images to convey the setting of her works. In `Safe in their Alabaster Chambers†, Dickinson describes the situation of the dead through their inability to be â€Å"touched by morning†, feel the sunshine, and hear the birds and the bees. She also totally equates death to â€Å"soundlessness†, darkness, and numbness. The same image associations can also be observed in â€Å"I Heard a Fly Buzz-when I died†. However, in contrast to the first poem, the latter’s scenario of soundlessness exempted the buzzing of the fly.   In â€Å"The Brain-is wider than the Sky†, visual comparisons were made with the brain and major elements of nature. 9. In most of the poems, the speaker just describes poem subjects in relation to what she sees, feels, or hears. In the process, she narrates her observations and seemingly creates an underlying story for her works. In these stories, the climactic moment is death and the resolution is one’s total submission to the darkness and numbness of losing her life. 10. Dickinson’s poems are mostly playfully dreadful as they deal with death in relation to bees, sunshine, and castles. Death was portrayed as a very awful situation of being deprived of the small things which make living simply a pleasant experience. Although not portrayed as something gruesome, the description of a death as a natural and inevitable experience adds dread to poem’s tone.

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia

Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Factors that Shape US Energy Policy for Central Asia Many factors influence the formulation of US energy policy. This chapter lays out the comprehensive description of the institutions which shape US energy policy towards Central Asia in general. Further this chapter would look into the international scenario, which has made US Congress, Federal Bureaucracy and Interest Groups in shaping Energy Policy towards Kazakhstan. And Turkmenistan Throughout the 1980s and before US experienced a major sorting out process, determining who would participate in energy policymaking and what the organisational arrangements for citizen involvement would be, though by 1980 the President and the Congress had been able to reach compromises on the basic issues faced by them following the onset of the energy crisis. With decisions on these basic issues the foundation for a stable national energy policy system appeared to be in place. The rudimentary energy policy system that was in place by 1980, provided the framework necessary to manage both energy supply and demand and to develop new resources (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). Before going into the detailed focus on the role of iron triangle towards Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan in particular a brief understanding of how the policy is influenced by the Congress, Interests Groups and the Bureaucracy would be appropriate. Congress: Decision making in Congress where law is formulated, differ from decision making in the bureaucracy, where it is implemented. The institution setting greatly influences the policy outcome.[1] If not sovereign, Congress is considered to be prominent in formulating national energy policy. The president may mandate or oppose energy programs. But he is usually dictated by the Congress. It is the congress who can legislate on energy policy and raise the resources to underwrite it. The presidents freedom to act independently of congress on energy matters is limited severely by law, custom and political circumstances. Policy may be formulated by judges or administrators by interpreting or implementing a congressional enactment. But policy making by them is limited by congressional guidelines and over shift (Cowney: 1985: 82-86). Congress is characterized as house divided and authority dispersed between its two chambers. Its members are even torn by conflicting claims of local and national interest. Although congress is fragmented, it cant be denied that there is opportunity for policy innovation. From the apparent authority of the congress, it becomes clear that congress often reveals not power exercised but power dissipated, not policy made but policy paralysed(Victor:1984:313) The number of committees and subcommittees with energy as their title grew steadily from two in the 92nd Congress (1970-1972) to numerous in the110th Congress In the 96th Congress jurisdiction over some aspect of energy policy was claimed by more than 38 committees of the House of Representatives. The Senate traditionally has fewer committees than the House. Nevertheless it had at least ten major committees and several dozen subcommittees exercising some authority over energy legislation. The committees are proposed by the legislators desire to exercise some authority over major public issues. There also perpetuates jealously and competition between subcommittees and their leaders in energy policy making. Vigorous conflict over energy policy produced by each chambers over squabbling committees is intensified by rivalries between House and Senate energy committees. Such competitions are due to traditional differences between the two chambers, their divergent constituencies, constitutional responsibilities, institutional histories, conflicting personalities and committees aspirations. Moreover, the various energy committees within and between the two chambers, often respond to different energy interest (Raycraft and Kash: 1984:239-249). The fragmentation of power in the Congress is not only due to the formal division of authority among committees. There are other significant causes as well such as there are five hundred and thirty five geographical units the states and the congressional districts. These numerous factors constitute a vast array of diverse parochial interests with powerful influence in the legislative process. The Senator and the Representatives ambassador to Washington are regarded by the constituents as the guardian of the local interest. The Senator and the ambassadors are supported to play the role of energy provider and protector (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Bureaucracy: The executive branch of the federal government is a constitutional unit. Within the executive branch there are thirteen cabinet departments, fifty two independent agencies, five regulatory commissions and numerous lesser entities. More than 2.8 million employers divide their loyalties among these institutions. When closely observed, the executive branch is found to be a mosaic of disparate bureaucratic interests, each zealous to achieve its special mission. It is very challenging for the president to bring these different interests into accord with his own administrative programs. Its success depends upon his personality to a greater extent. The designs for the administrative management by the White House are continuously impeded by the political obstacles. In order to unite the bureaucracy, the president must constantly fight for the competing claims of agencies self interest, the political pressures upon the agencies from Congress and the pressure from an agencys own clientele. The federal bureaucracy is a plurality of institutional interests. They are always active in shaping the policies which will be administered by them. The bureaucracy is governments interest lobby (Chubb: 1983:30-56). Interest Group: The number of interest group striving to impress their will upon government is legion. Among one hundred thousand nationally organised interest groups in the United States, high proportions are involved in politics. When the politically active state and local groups are added to the already existing numerous interest groups, it becomes obvious that the interest groups are pervasive in the United States governmental system. They represent virtually every major social group with some claims upon government (Barkenbus: 1982:413-414). The formations of new groups are often triggered by the rise of new issues on the governmental agenda. And conversely, new issues on the agenda reflect the growing political influence of new interests. The number of interest groups in national energy policy increased significantly after 1973 oil shock. Oil companies have been the major interest groups in terms of energy policy formulation. While analysing the role of oil companies it can be said that they are playing the role of nongovernmental bodies. They have added a degree of variety to international political relationship. Sometimes they have even made the international relationships complicated which might otherwise have been quite harmonious. But in reality oil industries are primarily economic institutions. One of the characteristics of the economic actors is that so long as they can function reasonably well, they generally accept the status quo. No industry can sacrifice its profit for the sake of political principle. None of the oil industry can turn down the chance of developing important new deposits. Of course companies have to choose between possible ventures. The political climate of the countries in which these ventures fall is the only one of the factors taken into account. The political tactics available to compan ies for gaining access to promising markets are limited (Scott: 2005:12-149). The strategies adopted by the oil company are usually predictable but along with the strategies, the leadership of the company also matter to a greater extent. The underlying economics of the industry make it possible to predict the general direction in which companies will move. The development of oil companies can be stimulated by ease of access of the various oil deposit the source of existing oil production the size development and location of the worlds leading economies some facts about the motivation of the imperial powers some assumptions about the behavior of companies in an international oligopoly Some information about the level of government experience in most of the potential producing countries. The sheer size of the US market and the fact that there was a significant oil industry in existence in USA meant that American oil companies where bound to play a dominant role. As an analyst has noted that US had no history of significant engagement with the Central Asian Region before 1990s. It is the discovery of energy resources of the Caspian Sea that made the region important of the US foreign policy makers. The Central Asia and the Caspian Region is blessed with abundant oil and gases that can enhance the lives of the regions resident and provide energy for growth in both Europe and Asia. The impact of these resources on US commercial interests and US foreign policy is very significant. The United States first official foray into the Caucasus and Central Asia came in 1991 during the Bush administration. But it was not until major oil contracts were signed between US oil companies and the government of Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan in 1993-1994 that the region really began to register on the radar screen of the American public. The commercial interests of US oil companies in exploiting new energy reserves gave US policymakers a specific interest to protect in the Caucasus and Central Asia the US has come to see Caspian resources as one of the few prospects for diversifying world energy supply away from the Middle East. The role of the iron triangle in formulating US energy policy towards Central Asia can be understood by 1998 Congressional Hearing. In this hearing the subcommittee on Asia and Pacific examined the US interest in the region. It was acknowledged by the US Congress that Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan possess large reserves of oil and natural gas. It was further observed that Uzbekistan has oil and gas reserves that may make it self sufficient in energy and gain revenue through exports (Congressional Hearings: 1998). According to Mr. Bereuter the president of the Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific stated that US policy goals regarding energy resources in the region were based on the following factors- Independence of the states and their ties to the West. Breaking Russias monopoly over the oil and gas transport routes. Promoting Western energy security through diversified suppliers encouraging the construction of East West pipeline and, Isolating Iran. In addition it was stated by the then Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbot, that the United States sought to discourage any one country from gaining control over the region, but rather urged all responsible States to cooperate in the exploitation of regional oil and resources. It was noted that the Central Asian Region has emerged as one of the significant opportunities for investment opportunities for a broad range of American companies. This in turn will stimulate the economic development of the region. Debates in the Congress According to the Department of Energy, US has following interest in the region- Energy security Strategic interest and Commercial interest in promoting Caspian region energy development. It is further observed that US has an interest in strengthening global energy security through diversification, and the development of these new sources of supply. Caspian export would diversify rather than concentrate world energy supplies. This will help in avoiding the over reliance on the Persian Gulf. It was agreed in the Congress that United States has strategic interests in supporting the independence, sovereignty, and prosperity of the Newly Independent States of the Caspian Basin. And it was desired to assist the development of these States into democratic, sovereign members of the world community of the nations, enjoying unfettered access to world markets without pressure or undue influence from the region. In other words, it can be observed that the iron triangle i.e., Congress, Bureaucracy and the Interest Group have following four objectives with regard to Central Asia: Promoting Multiple Export Route-The administrations policy is centered on rapid development of the regions resources and the transportation and sale of those resources to hard currency markets to secure the independence of these new countries. The US government has promoted the development of multiple pipelines and diversified infrastructure networks to open and integrate these countries into the global market and to foster regional cooperation. It was decided to give priority to support efforts by the regional governments and the private sector to develop and improve east-west linkage and infrastructure networks through Central Asia and the Caucasus. A Eurasian energy transport corridor incorporating a trans-Caspian segment with a route from Baku, Azerbaijan, through the Caucasus and Turkey to the Mediterranean port was included. Emphasizing on Commerciality-It was realized that the massive infrastructure projects must be commercially competitive before the private sector and the international financial community can move forward. Keeping this in mind the Baku-Ceyhan pipelines was most endorsed. Cooperating with Russia-It was decided to support the continued Russian participation in Caspian participation in the Eurasian corridor was also encouraged. For this purpose US companies are working in partnership with the Russian firms in the Caspian. Isolating Iran- the US Government opposes pipelines through Iran because development of Irans oil and gas industry and pipelines from the Caspian Basin through Iran will seriously undercut the development of East-west infrastructure, and give Iran improper leverage over economies of the Caucasus and Central Asian States. Similarly, John Maresca, Vice President of International Relations, Unocal Corporation, focused on three issues with regard to Central Asia- The need for multiple pipeline routes for Central Asian oil and gas resources. The need for US support for international and Regional efforts to achieve balanced reforms and development of appropriate investment in the region. While emphasising these issues, argued for the repeal or removal of section 907 of the Freedom Support Act, because this section unfairly restricts US Government assistance to the government of Azerbaijan and limits US influence in the region. Unocal and other American companies are ready to develop cost-effective export routes for Central Asian resources. So, after this analysis of the iron triangle in terms of the Central Asian Region it can be concluded that the Cooperation of power, federalism, interest group pluralism and other checks and balances in the constitutional architecture of the United States political system created a strong bias towards bargaining, compromise and instrumentalism in energy policy making today. the electoral cycle often compels energy policy to conform to the economic and political bias of legislative constituencies charged with implementing energy policies, attempt to impose upon those policies their own bureaucratic values, their unique political per spective growing from their several missions and many other institutional concerns sub government and the public opinion also influence policy. These elements in the policy process have long been recognized. They emphasise a truth often ignored in discussions of US public policy. The United States and the rest of the world are facing energy problem. The era of abundant, reliable, low-cost energy is in the past. Currently the condition will be that of scarcity and the continuing need to manage the complex and difficult issues associated with the use, supply, pricing and trading of energy to prevent economic, political, environmental and military crisis. Imported oil is the heart of energy problem. As mentioned earlier the economic growth and the consequent growth in energy demand requires increased need for imported oil. To understand the full scope of Congressional perception focus on Energy Security act-S.932 of 1980 is essential. Energy Security Act S. 932 Representative Christopher J. Dodd on June 25, 1980 observed that with respect to the energy act it represented a long overdue commitment of federal dollars to promote energy independence for America. He acknowledged the growing dependency of United States on imported oil. The Energy Security Act provides 25 billion for exploration of a variety of energy alternatives including synthetic fuels renewable resources, conservation, and gasohol. It mandated two actions -the filling of our strategic petroleum reserves and the study of acid rain problem. Though the historical energy security act comprehensively dealt with the synthetic fuel but it was not entirely about the synthetic fuel bill. This act also provide $3.1 billion to establish conservation and solar banks that will offer federal subsidies in the form of below market loans, loan guarantees and grant to finance solar and conservation work in homes, apartments and small business. Christopher J. Dodd argued that $ 3 billion includ ed in this bill to the energy bank was not enough to release the full potential of conservation and solar energy. But this funding was perceived to be a good beginning, and believed that the experience of the coming years will prove the worth these alternatives to continue oil imports. He further argued that the United States government must devise an effective national strategy to break the hold of OPEC and energy conservation in our homes and business should be taken as a vital part of that strategy (Congressional Hearings: 1980) The former Clinton Administration stressed that U.S. support for free market reforms directly served U.S. national interests by opening new markets for U.S. goods and services, and sources of energy and minerals. U.S. private investment committed to Central Asia had greatly exceeded. U.S. energy companies have committed to invest billions of dollars in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. U.S. trade agreements have been signed and entered into force with all the Central Asian States. By focusing on Congressional debates on Energy Policy with particular focus on Central Asia, the complexity of policy formulation can be understood. Further the various Hearings held by the Congress have also provided significant evidence that explains the changed nuances of Central Asia policy. It also helps to illustrate the argument that the Congress considered the Central Asian Region very important for US interest. In particular Congressional understanding of the Enormous Energy Export Potential that could ease Americas energy problem went a long way in shaping US policy towards Central Asia. For instance, despite concern on human right violent political movement, US government virtually supported the US government decision to promote a new pipeline from Kazakh to Azerbaijan and from Ceyhan to Turkey. Some analysts have noted that there has been different emphasis on the level of US involvement in the CAR. According to some there have been linkages between the adequate progress in democratisation and improving the human rights. The importance of energy resources to US has been disputed in early phase of 1990. However, the Congressional interest in Central Asia was reflected in the passage of Silk Road in late 1999 which enhanced US policy alteration, humanitarian needs, economic development (including energy pipelines) and communications, democracy and the creation of civil societies in the South Caucasian and Central Asia. The Bush energy policy was directed towards securing cheap oil because US oil consumption was below projected to increase by one-third over the next two decades. The white House during Bush Administration also had for greater domestic drilling and wants to open the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to the oil industry. The Administrations National Energy Policy Development Group, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, acknowledged in a May 2001 report that US oil production will fall 12% over the next 20 years. As a result US dependence on imported oil which has risen to a great extent (CRS Report: 2005). September 11 brought with it a dramatic reconfiguration of the entire international security environment as well as a fundamental shift in the ranking of American foreign and security priorities. Virtually every other foreign policy priority was now subordinated to the effort to create an anti-terrorist coalition (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). It is observed that the September 11 attack on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon has underlined the connection between oil and politics. When it became confirmed that the most of the hijackers were from Saudi Arabia, it impacted on the oil market to a great extent. Since Saudi Arabia constitutes one fourth of the total petroleum reserves, United States had to look for some other alternative sources in order to fulfill its energy requirement. United States is dependent on foreign oil for its 58% of energy requirement which is likely to increase up to 65% by 2020 (Chenoy: 2001:149-160). The counterstrike of September 11 shattered the old barriers and opened new horizons. The United States Congress acknowledged the importance of the Central Asian republic for the fulfillment of its oil requirement in the 107th Congress. It was acknowledged that the Central Asian Region is inflicted with terrorist activities and hence consequently political instability. The support from the Congress and the administration was urged. It was argued that the US assistance in developing these new economics will be crucial to business success. A strong technical assistance progress throughout the region was endorsed. After September 11 Washingtons approval of more than US$1.4 billion for the economic recovery of barren and battle scarred Afghanistan provides the Bush administration with possible insurance for deepening its petro-political sphere of influence along Russias boarder in the form of revived Trans-Afghan pipeline. Further it was realized by the US energy analysts that the vast reservoir of oil and gas can be protected by the deployment of US special operations forces to Georgia because it will neutralize Russias influence in the region. It is noteworthy that the Vice president Dick Cheney, former CEO of the oil services company Halliburtons also a veteran of the American oil industrys presence in the Caspian Basin is sufficient to manifest the US presence in the region With almost $30 billion already invested by US oil companies in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan, the suggested Afghan route would cost only one-half the amount of the other alternative which would run through Georgia to Turkeys Mediterranean coast ( Alam :2002:5-26). The Caspian Sea region is widely viewed as important to world markets because of its large oil and gas reserves. Most Energy Company regards the Caspian Basin as the Persian Gulf of the 21st century. In Central Asia and elsewhere, America found new friends in hour of need. It can be said that the Sept. 11 have awakened many Americans to the interdependence to the even -smaller world, to their vulnerability especially in energy. The growing American stake in Central Asia is one response to that. It can be said that the American war against terrorism has also become a battle to control the energy resources of the Central Asian Region. Since Central Asian region can offer the United States a rare opportunity to diversify world oil supply, it could be one of the most important areas of US foreign policy. However, in Washington D.C., and especially in the US congress, foreign policy tends to be an elitist sport. Few members of the Congress focus on foreign policy and accepted by the most of the Americans. As a result, few members of the congress view foreign policy and the Caspian region in strategic terms. The Central Asian Region is viewed by the most members of the congress through one or more of the following perspectives- The Azerbaijan- Armenia issue US policy towards Iran US policy towards Russia Partition and domestic politics. Among the four factors mentioned above, the fourth one i.e. that is partition and domestic politics is perhaps the most important. Members of the Congress tend to be overly responsive to their domestic constituents and some even support certain ethnic groups as a way to raise campaign contribution. This leads to a phenomenon termed ethnic politics. Critics argued that ethnic politics have driven US policy towards both Azerbaijan and Iran (Congressional Hearing: 2001). In order to understand the attitude of Congress towards the Central Asian Region in the aftermath of Sept. 11 attack on World Trade Centre (WTC) and Pentagon, the congress role towards Azerbaijan-America issue, Iran, and Russia requires a brief consideration. The Azerbaijan-Armenia issue On the Azerbaijan Armenia issue, congress tends to favour Armenia and uses foreign aid legislation as a means of exerting pressure on Armenias neighbors particularly Azerbaijan and Turkey. The most obvious example of this is the section 907 at the Freedom Support Act which prohibits US government aid to the government of Azerbaijan. Concern over the plight of Azeri refugee and the increasing importance of United States investment in the Azeri oil sectors; have led Congress to adjust section 907 incrementally each year since it took effect in January 1993. Nevertheless, Congressional attitude towards the region began to change significantly in 1997. The changes occurred for several reasons: The presidential elections in Armenia appeared to be less than free and fare this damaged Armenias image on Capitol Hill and embarrassed lawmaker who had clouted Armenia as the democratic ideal for the region. Some members of the congress thought the Armenia lobby had gone too far and was out of step with the realities on ground. The Armenian lobby was pushing for what some members of Congress thought was excessive legislation. As the deadline for a decision on the main export pipeline route approaches Congressional interest has continued to rise. There was the increased number of Congressional delegation traveling in the region. At least five delegations visited the region in 1997 including one led by senator McConnell. However, since his trip he has taken a more balanced approach to the region. This is noteworthy because McConnell is the chairman of the Senate appropriations subcommittee on foreign operations, the subcommittee which has jurisdiction over section 907. The House of Representatives, however, continued to reject attempt to weaken section 907. Congress tends to be an incremental body and the facts demonstrate that there is momentum towards making further revisions in section 907. As a result of this increasing momentum it is believed that the US Senate is now positioned to make substantial changes in 907. Senate headway will be critical because progress will have to be made in a House-Senate c onference committee and the House of Representatives continues to be solidly on the side of Armenia and is likely to support a significant softening or repeal of S.907. A major problem especially in the House is that section 907 is not on the radar screen for most Representatives since 907 is usually inserted into the foreign operations appropriations legislation at the subcommittee level, only 13 House member-less than 3% have an opportunity to vote up or down on 907 each year (Congressional Hearing:1997). Congressional attitude towards Iran: Iran is the most stable country politically and economically bordering the Caspian, and offers the most attractive pipeline routes: it is important to understand congressional attitude towards that country. Congress is opposed to Iran and has limited the Clintons administrations flexibility in dealing with it. In this respect, Congress has played a significant role. In the opinion of Congress no country undermines American interest more than Iran. Since the Iranian revolution the United States has sought to isolate Iran diplomatically and politically and more recently economically. Congress has passed the Iran-Libya Sanction Act (ILSA). This act was passed without a single member of congress voting against the sanctions. Congress has rarely adopted any controversial piece of legislation unanimously which have a wide range of implications. This law is causing problem for the companies trying to move Caspian oil to market. US companies are prohibited from partnering with Iranian firms in the Caspian (CRS Report: 2003). US Policy towards Russia Another regional issue clouding Congress view of the region is US policy towards Russia. Congress is skeptical of Russia, and its relations with Iran. For many members of Congress opposing the Soviet Union was a major pillar in their political philosophy during 1980s. Today there are still resident effects of this cold war attitude especially Republican party. In 1997 dozens of bills were introduced seeking to impose sanctions on Russia. Congress has consistently opposed Russian efforts of nuclear cooperation with Iran. Congress views the possible pipeline alternative through Russia, southern route through Iran, eastern route through Afghanistan and western rout through Georgia and Today Congressional view of the pipeline can be summed up in three ways: congress is opposed to pipelines routes through Iran, Congress is skeptical of routes through Russia, and is dubious of routes through Afghanistan. Turkey and Georgia are the only options in view of the Congress. Therefore, it is obvious why Congress has expressed support for pipeline along an east-west axis. This also helps to explain why the US government (Congress and the administration) are increasingly calling the Baku Ceyhan route the preferred route because it belongs NATO, ally, and avoid Iran and Russia. During 1998, Congress continued to advocate isolation of Iran and continue the incremental progress in US relations with Azerbaijan. While formulating energy policy for the United States, Congress is the preeminent force. But congress is a house divided. Its authority is dispersed between the two chambers. It is due to the fact that its members are usually torn by the conflicting claims of local and national interest. In spite of having fragmented opportunity it can be expected for policy innovation. On the brighter side, the United States has important energy interests in Central Asia. With its recent energy resources, Kazakhstan could become one of the largest oil exporters in the world. The United States has a strong interest in this oil getting to the world market at reasonable prices via multiple pipelines (Congressional Hearings: 1998). The 107th Congress supported governments efforts to promote a new pipeline from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, the gateway to the entire Western oil market. It was also acknowledged that in addition to energy interests, the United States also has a strong interest in working with the existing Central Asia governments on combating drugs and on divesting themselves of their weapons of mass destruction materials ( Congressional Hearings:2001). Finally, domestic security concerns for the Central Asian region particularly about violent political movements also got due consideration. The world gets nearly hal